Former South African President Thabo Mbeki delivered an Africa Day Lecture on May 26, 2026, at the Thabo Mbeki Foundation in Johannesburg, addressing a new cycle of xenophobic violence and anti-migrant sentiment in the country. This resurgence of hostility began around April and May 2026, primarily fueled by a vigilante movement named 'March and March'. Anti-migrant groups intensified the situation in 2026 by circulating a notice that warned undocumented migrants to leave South Africa by June 30, or face mass action. Mbeki criticized the targeting of migrants, stating the focus on them was akin to "chasing ghosts" instead of confronting deeper societal issues. His address showed the urgent need for South Africa to re-evaluate its approach to inter-African relations and internal social cohesion, particularly in light of its historical role in Pan-African liberation.
The Scars of Xenophobia
Major, nationwide outbreaks of xenophobic violence in South Africa drew global attention in 2008 and 2015. Targeted attacks against African immigrants, however, have a longer history, traceable to 1994–95. This initial period of post-apartheid violence set a worrying precedent for the decades that followed. In January 1995, in Alexandra Township, armed youth gangs destroyed the homes and properties of migrants from Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Malawi, signaling an early manifestation of anti-foreigner sentiment within the newly democratic nation. These early incidents, though perhaps less widespread, laid the groundwork for future, more devastating eruptions of violence.
In 2008, xenophobic violence resulted in a significant humanitarian crisis, leading to sixty-two deaths, thousands injured, and tens of thousands of immigrants displaced across the country. The scale of this violence shocked both national and international observers, prompting widespread condemnation and calls for government intervention. The attacks were characterized by extreme brutality, with many victims subjected to arson, beatings, and looting. The displacement of tens of thousands of individuals showed the profound insecurity felt by migrant communities, forcing many to seek refuge in temporary shelters or to return to their countries of origin. The violence continued into subsequent years, demonstrating a persistent underlying tension; in 2009, approximately 3,000 Zimbabwean farmworkers were violently forced from their homes in the Western Cape province, noting the vulnerability of migrant laborers in particular.
The year 2015 saw another surge in anti-immigrant sentiment, reigniting fears and bringing the issue back to the forefront of national discourse. During this period, Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini publicly announced that foreigners should "pack their bags and go," a statement that drew widespread criticism for its inflammatory nature and perceived incitement to violence. Following his remarks, at least seven people were reportedly killed, and hundreds were injured during xenophobic attacks. These incidents further cemented the pattern of recurring violence against foreign nationals, often triggered by public statements or economic anxieties.
Xenophobic violence persisted in the years that followed, including incidents in 2016-17 and 2018. This sustained hostility contributed to the rise of organised vigilantism, which became prominent in 2021. The continuous nature of these attacks indicated a deepening societal problem, moving beyond isolated incidents to more structured forms of anti-immigrant action. Operation Dudula, an organised anti-immigrant campaign, was officially launched in 2021, marking a new phase in the country's struggle with xenophobia by mobilising groups to confront undocumented migrants. This development signified a dangerous escalation, as informal vigilantism began to coalesce into more formal, publicly active movements. The latest cycle of xenophobic violence, which began around April and May 2026, further illustrates this trend, triggered by the vigilante movement known as 'March and March'. In 2026, anti-migrant groups circulated a notice warning undocumented migrants to leave the country by June 30 or face mass action, demonstrating the continued and evolving threat posed by organized anti-immigrant sentiment.
Apartheid's Economic Legacy
South Africa's high unemployment rate is considered a direct legacy of the apartheid regime's industrialisation strategy, which was heavily influenced by racial policies. This strategy deliberately structured the economy to benefit the white minority while systematically disadvantaging black South Africans. The apartheid government maintained a state-backed migrant labour system, with the nation's mining industry particularly dependent on foreign-born African labour. This reliance was significant, as evidenced by statistics from the 1970s, when foreign nationals constituted 80% of the total mining labour force at its peak. This historical context reveals a paradox: a system that relied heavily on foreign workers simultaneously fostered conditions of inequality and resentment that, post-apartheid, have been misdirected towards migrant communities.
Despite the historical reliance on foreign labour, African immigrants currently represent a small portion of South Africa's overall population, accounting for just 4.1%. This figure challenges the popular narrative that foreign nationals are overwhelming the country's resources and labor market. Foreign-born workers, however, make up a larger percentage of the country's labour force, standing at 8.9%. This indicates their significant, albeit concentrated, presence in specific sectors of the economy. These figures offer a contemporary perspective on the role of immigrant workers in the South African economy, suggesting that their contribution is often disproportionate to their overall demographic representation. A 2018 World Bank report noted the economic contribution of immigrant labour, noting that the employment of one immigrant worker typically leads to the creation of two additional jobs through various business activities. This finding directly contradicts the common perception that immigrants are solely job-takers, instead illustrating their role as economic catalysts and contributors to job creation within the host economy. Mbeki's lecture implicitly calls for a deeper understanding of these economic realities, urging a shift from scapegoating migrants to addressing the structural issues inherited from apartheid.
A History of African Solidarity
In the initial two decades following South Africa's liberation, the African National Congress (ANC) government envisioned embedding the country's development within a broader Pan-African integration framework. This vision was rooted in the profound solidarity demonstrated by other African nations during South Africa's struggle against apartheid. However, a significant regression of this Pan-African spirit has been observed in South Africa over the last twenty-five years, a period marked by increasing insularity and anti-immigrant sentiment. During the struggle against apartheid, several of South Africa’s neighbours, including Tanzania, Zambia, Angola, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe, served as key frontline states for both the ANC and the Pan-African Congress. These nations bore significant economic and security costs by hosting liberation movements and providing safe havens for exiles, demonstrating an unwavering commitment to the eradication of apartheid.
Nigeria, in particular, vigorously championed the liberation of Southern Africa throughout the 1980s, engaging students, academic staff, labour unions, and other organised interests in the cause. Its advocacy extended beyond diplomatic channels, fostering a widespread public movement in support of the anti-apartheid struggle. A key moment in the anti-apartheid struggle was the defeat of the South African army (SADF) by Angolan and Cuban forces in the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale between 1987 and 1988, which effectively shattered the perception of White South African invincibility. This military defeat was a critical turning point, demonstrating the vulnerability of the apartheid regime's military might and bolstering the morale of liberation movements across the region.
Beyond military support, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) established the African Liberation Committee and the Liberation Fund specifically to finance South African liberation movements. This institutional support provided vital resources, enabling the ANC and other groups to sustain their resistance efforts. Nigeria further demonstrated its commitment by creating a Southern Africa Relief Fund, which drew donations from both its government and citizens. Nigerian civil servants contributed 2 per cent of their salaries to this relief fund, showcasing widespread public support and a deep sense of shared purpose. The Nigerian government also issued more than 300 passports to black South Africans, facilitating their overseas travels during the apartheid era, allowing them to advocate for their cause on the international stage and pursue educational opportunities. Nomfundo Ngwenya reported in 2010 that Nigeria had spent an estimated USD 61 billion in supporting the frontline states by the time apartheid ended in 1994, a staggering sum that shows the immense sacrifice and commitment of a fellow African nation. Additionally, African governments offered scholarships to black South Africans who fled the country following the 1976 Soweto Uprising, providing educational opportunities that were denied to them under apartheid and fostering a generation of future leaders. The eventual fall of apartheid represented a crowning victory for pan-African solidarity, a testament to the collective efforts and sacrifices made across the continent. This rich history of mutual support forms the backdrop against which Mbeki's call for renewed Pan-Africanism must be understood.
Mbeki's Vision for Unity
The phenomenon of xenophobia among Black South Africans directed at African immigrants has led to the coining of the term "Afrophobia." This term notes the specific and often racialized nature of the prejudice and discrimination faced by African migrants within South Africa, distinguishing it from broader forms of xenophobia. Former President Mbeki's lecture serves as a powerful reminder of the historical bonds and shared destiny among African nations, urging South Africa to re-embrace its Pan-African identity. His critique of targeting migrants as "chasing ghosts" suggests that the nation is misdirecting its frustrations, failing to address the underlying socio-economic challenges that fuel such animosity.
Another prominent South African politician, Julius Malema, has also publicly denounced xenophobia, adding his voice to the growing chorus of leaders advocating for unity and tolerance. Such condemnations from influential figures are key in shaping public discourse and challenging the narratives that demonize migrant communities. Mbeki's address, delivered at the Thabo Mbeki Foundation, was not merely a historical reflection but a contemporary appeal for South Africa to honor its past by building a more inclusive and equitable future. It is a call to leadership and citizenry alike to confront the deep-seated issues that manifest as xenophobia, and instead, to foster a genuine spirit of Pan-African integration that respects the dignity and contributions of all people on the continent. The former president’s words show the imperative for South Africa to move beyond internal divisions and reclaim its role as a beacon of unity and progress in Africa, consistent with the ideals that propelled its own liberation.
